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Post by neferetus on Feb 7, 2006 14:11:02 GMT -5
Though its origin has been called to question, a fascinating account of the Battle of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution is the personal journal of Mexican Army Officer Lt. Col. José Enrique de la Peña. De la Peña describes the death of William B. Travis during the fight and plays witness to the capture and execution of Davy Crockett by Gen. Antonio López de Santa Anna. Below are excerpts from de la Peña's account.
"...I propose to write a review of the Texas Campaign...."
" (the Texians) ...a rabble of wretched adventurers..."
. . . a rabble of wretched adventurers to whom our authorities have unwisely given benefits that even Mexicans did not enjoy. . . .
...When Texas is populated and governed by good laws, it will be one of the most enviable places in the world, in which it doubtless will play a brilliant role...
...The insults lavished upon the nation as represented by the customs officials and commanders of military detachments, the disregard for laws, and the attitudes with which the colonists looked upon those who had given them a country were more than sufficient causes to justify war on our part...
...General Cos had been hemmed in at Béjar . . . with a small garrison and in need of both munitions and foodstuff. . . . he was compelled to capitulate on the 10th of December 1835...
"...the instigators of the war...declared independence...."
Mr. Samuel Houston was the commander in chief of the Texas armies. . . . Houston . . . had forces inferior in number which, though composed of men of courage, were not subject to the discipline that makes the soldier. . . .
...Circumstances forced [the Texans] to remove their masks when it was least convenient; on the 2nd of March 1836 . . . they declared the Independence of Texas. . . .
. . . on the 3rd of March neither we, nor those already taken prisoners, nor those we were fighting at the time could possibly have known that the instigators of the war had on the previous day declared independence. . .
. . .They were the aggressors and we the attacked, they the ingrates, we the benefactors. When they were in want we had given them sustenance, yet as soon as they gained strength they used it to destroy us. . .
"...the path that strong souls choose in crisis..."
Travis . . . chose the path that strong souls choose in crisis, that of dying with honor, and selected the Alamo for his grave. . . . My opinion is . . . that Travis could have managed to escape during the first nights, when vigilance was much less, but this he refused to do. . .
"To whom was this sacrifice useful?..."
The Alamo was an irregular fortification without flank fires. . . . Four columns were chosen for the attack. The first . . . was to move against the western front, which faced the city. The second . . . was entrusted with a like mission against the front facing the north. . . . The third . . . was to attack the east front, which was the strongest. . . . The fourth . . . was entrusted with taking the entrance to the fort. . . . This was the general plan. . . .
The Death of William Barret Travis
"They had bolted and reinforced the doors, but in order to form trenches they had excavated some places that were now a hindrance to them. Not all of them took refuge, for some remained in the open, looking at us before firing, as if dumbfounded at our daring. Travis was seen to hesitate, but not about the death he would choose. He would take a few steps and stop, turning his proud face toward us to discharge his shots; he fought like a true soldier. Finally he died, but he died after having traded his life very dearly. None of his men died with greater heroism, and they all died. Travis behaved as a hero; one must do him justice, for with a handful of men without discipline, he resolved to face men used to war and much superior in numbers, without supplies, with scarce munitions, and against the will of his subordinates. He was a handsome blond, with a physique as robust as his spirit was strong."
The Death of Davy Crockett
"Some seven men survived the general carnage and, under the protection of General Castrillón, they were brought before Santa Anna. Among them was one of great stature, well proportioned, with regular features, in whose face there was the imprint of adversity, but in whom one also noticed a degree of resignation and nobility that did him honor. He was the naturalist David Crockett, well known in North America for his unusual adventures, who had undertaken to explore the country and who, finding himself in Béjar at the very moment of surprise, had taken refuge in the Alamo, fearing that his status as a foreigner might not be respected. Santa Anna answered Castrillón's intervention in Crockett's behalf with a gesture of indignation and, addressing himself to the sappers, the troops closest to him, ordered his execution. The commanders and officers were outraged at this action and did not support the order, hoping that once the fury of the moment had blown over these men would be spared; but several officers who were around the president and who, perhaps, had not been present during the danger, became noteworthy by an infamous deed, surpassing the solders in cruelty. They thrust themselves forward, in order to flatter their commander, and with swords in hand, fell upon these unfortunate, defenseless men just as a tiger leaps upon his prey. Though tortured before they were killed, these unfortunates died without complaining and without humiliating themselves before their torturers."
. . . To whom was this sacrifice useful and what advantage was derived by increasing the number of victims? . . . Death united in one place both friends and enemies; within a few hours a funeral pyre rendered into ashes those men who moments before had been so brave that in a blind fury had unselfishly offered their lives and had met their ends in combat . . .
. . . I have written as an eyewitness to these . . . events. I have described them with accuracy and have recorded them not from memory, but as they took place. . .
Never has General Santa Anna performed a more contemptable deed...."
. . . the brutal execution at Goliad, as unnecessary as it was censurable . . . so greatly tarnished the noble cause we were defending. . .
. . . It would be very easy for me to demolish General Filisola's manifesto, did I not know that all his assertions contradict each other. . . . Filisola is more to be pitied than hated. . .
. . . General Urrea . . . gained the esteem of the majority of the army but at the same time revived the jealousies of [Santa Anna] and the other generals: “Urrea does everything,” they would cry out, “he alone has the glory, while we just sit watching his victories.”
. . .Never has General Santa Anna performed a more contemptible deed among the many that he has committed during his political career than in selling out his country by relinquishing Texas' delightful territory. . .
General Santa Anna . . . displayed the most unfortunate ideas regarding Texas, expressing in the strongest way his opinion that it should be razed to the ground, so that this immense desert, he said, might serve as a wall between Mexico and the United States.
I could have published my notes a few days after I returned from the campaign, but I was convinced that in order to be impartial I had to take some time to verify those acts to which I was not an eyewitness and to obtain more accurate information about others, important objectives which I achieved by collecting the daybooks from the various sections that constituted the army. . .
. . .Mexicans, there are the facts. Judge for yourselves, and let your terrible verdict fall upon those who may deserve it. That to which I have been an eyewitness I have narrated faithfully, and that which I have not witnessed I have verified through the most circumspect and trustworthy men. . .
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Post by neferetus on Feb 7, 2006 14:31:46 GMT -5
THE FALL OF THE ALAMO
March 6, 1836
Jose Enrique De La Pena
A personal narrative of the revolution
Contrary to the suggestions of his officers, the order had been issued. Many were sure Travis would surrender when supplies ran low and he was sure no reinforcements were coming. “All Afternoon of the 5th was spent on preparations.”
Four Columns were chosen for the attack. A battalion from Aldama and three companies from San Luis under General Cos would move against the western front which faced the city. The second was a battalion under the command of Colonel Duque and three other companies from San Luis. Dugue would charge the north front. These two columns had a total strength of 700 men. The third commanded by Colonel Romero was to attack the east front. It was made of two companies, one from Matamoros and one of the Jimenez battalions. It came up to only 300 men as the east was the strongest. It was higher and had more canons. Four more companies made up the reserves.
Beginning at one o’clock in the morning of the 6th, the columns were set in motion, and at three they silently advanced toward the river, which they cross marching two abreast over some narrow wooden bridges. Silence was ordered and smoking was prohibited. The moon was up but the density of the clouds that covered it allowed only an opaque light in our direction, seeming thus to contribute to our designs. Light began to appear on the horizon, the beautiful dawn would soon let herself be seen behind her golden curtain; a bugle call to attention was the agreed signal and soon we heard that terrible bugle call of death.”
“The columns advanced with as much speed as possible; shortly after beginning the march they were ordered to open fire while they were still out of range, but there were some officers who disregarded the signal. Alerted to our attack by the given signal, which all columns answered, the enemy vigorously returned our fire which had not even touched him but had retarded our advance. Travis to compensate for the reduced number of defenders had placed three or four rifles by the side of each man, so that the initial fire was very rapid and deadly. Our columns left along theory path a wide trail of blood, of wounded and of dead. The bands from all the corps, gathered around our commander, sounded the charge; with a most vivid ardor and enthusiasm, we answered that call which electrifies the heart, elevates the soul, and makes others tremble. The second column, seized by this spirit, burst out in acclamations for the Republic and for the president-general. The officers were unable to repress this act of folly, which was paid for dearly. His attention drawn by this act, the enemy seized the opportunity, at the moment that light was beginning to make objects discernible around us, to redouble the fire on this column, making it suffer the greatest blows. It could be observed that a single cannon volley did away with half the company of chasseurs from Toluca, which was advancing a few paces from the column; Captain Jose Maria Herrera, who commanded it, died a few moments later and Vences, its lieutenant, was also wounded. Another volley left many gaps among the ranks at the head, one of them being Colonel Duque, who was wounded in the thigh; there remained standing, not without surprise, one of the two aides to this commander, who marched immediately to his side, but the other one now cannot testify to this. Fate was kind on this occasion to the writer, who survived, though Don Jose Maria Macotela, captain from Toluca, was seriously wounded and died shortly after.”
“It had been observed what the plan of attack was, but various arrangements made to carry it out were for the most part omitted; the columns had been ordered to provide themselves with crow-bars, hatchets, and ladders, but not until the last moment did it become obvious that all this was insufficient and that the ladders were poorly put together.”
“The columns, storming the fort in the mist of a terrible shower of bullets and canon-fire, had reached the base of the walls, with the exception of the third, which had been sorely punished on its left flank by a battery of three canon on a barbette that cut a serious breach in its ranks; since it was being attacked frontally at the same time from the height of a position, it was forced to seek a less bloody entrance, and thus changed its course toward the right angle of the north front. The few poor ladders that we were bringing had not arrived, because their bearers had either perished on the way or had escaped. Only one was seen of those that were planned. General Cos, looking for a starting point from which to climb, had advanced frontally with his column to where the second and third were. All united at one point, mixing and forming a confused mass. Fortunately the wall reinforcement on this front was of lumber, its excavation was hardly begun and the height of the parapet was 8 or 9 feet; there was therefore a starting point, and it could be climbed, though with some difficulty. But disorder had already begun; officers of all ranks shouted but were hardly heard. The most daring of our veterans tried to be the first to climb, which they accomplished, yelling wildly so that room could be made for them, at times climbing over their own comrades. Others, jammed together, made useless efforts, obstructing each other, getting in the way of the more agile ones and pushing down those who were about to carry out their courageous effort. A lively rifle fire coming from the roof of the barracks and other points caused painful havoc, increasing the confusion of our disorderly mass. The first to climb were thrown down by bayonets already waiting for them behind the parapet, or by pistol fire, but the courage of our soldiers was not diminished as they saw their comrades falling dead or wounded, and they hurried to occupy their places and to avenge them, climbing over their bleeding bodies. The sharp reports of the rifles, the whistling of bullets, the groans of the wounded, the cursing of the men, the sighs and anguished cries of the dying, the arrogant harangues of the officers, the noise of the instruments of war, and the inordinate shouts of the attackers, who climbed vigorously, bewildered all and made of this moment a tremendous and critical one. The shouting of those being attacked was no less loud and from the beginning had pierced our ears with desperate, terrible cries of alarm in a language we did not understand.”
“From this point of observation, General Santa Anna viewed with concern this horrible scene and, misled by the difficulties encountered in the climbing of the walls and by the maneuver executed by the third column, believed we were being repulsed; he therefore ordered Colonel Amat to move in with the rest of the reserves; the Sapper Battalion already ordered to move their column of attack, arrived and began to climb at the same time. He then also ordered into battle his general staff and everyone at his side. This gallant reserve merely added to the noise and the victims, the more regrettable since there was no necessity for them to engage in the combat. Before the Sapper Battalion, advancing through a shower of bullets and a volley of shrapnel, had a chance to reach the foot of the walls, half their officers had been wounded. Another one of these officers, young Torres, died within the fort at the very moment of taking a flag. He died at one blow without uttering a word, covered with glory and lamented by his comrades.”
“A quarter of an hour had elapsed, during which our soldiers remained in a terrible situation, wearing themselves out as they climbed in quest of a less obscure death than that visited on them, crowded in a single mass; later and after much effort, they were able in sufficient numbers to reach the parapet, without distinction of ranks. The terrified defenders withdrew at once into quarters placed to the right and left of the small area that constituted their second line of defense. They had bolted and reinforced the doors, but in order to form trenches they had excavated some places inside that were now a hindrance to them. Not all of them took refuge, for some remained in the open, looking at us before firing, as if dumbfounded at our daring. Travis was seen to hesitate, but not about the death that he would choose. He would take a few steps and stop, turning his proud face toward us to discharge his shots; he fought like a true soldier. Finally he died, but he died after having traded his life very dearly. None of his men died with greater heroism, and they all died.” Travis behaved as a hero; one must do him justice, for with a handful of men without discipline, he resolved to face men used to war and much superior in numbers, without supplies, with scarce munitions, and against the will of his subordinates. He was a handsome blond, with a physique as robust as his spirit was strong.”
“In the meantime Colonel Morelos with his chasseurs, having carried out instructions received, was just in front of us at a distance of a few paces, and, rightly fearing that our fire would hurt him, he had taken refuge in the trenches he had overrun trying to inflict damage on the enemy without harming us. It was a good thing that other columns could come together in a single front, for because of the small area the destruction among ourselves could be partially avoided; nevertheless, some of our men suffered the pain of falling from shots fired by their comrades, a grievous wound indeed, and a death even more lamentable. The soldiers had been overloaded with munition, for the reserves and all the select companies carried seven rounds apiece. It seems that the purpose of this was to convey the message to the soldier not to rely on his bayonet, which is the weapon generally employed in assault while some of the chasseurs support the attackers with their fire; however, there are always errors committed on these occasions, impossible to remedy. There remains no consolation other than regret for those responsible on this occasion, and there were many.”
“Our soldiers, some stimulated by courage and others by fury, burst into the quarters where the enemy had entrenched themselves, from which issued an infernal fire. Behind these came others, who, nearing the doors and blind with fury and smoke, fired their shots against friends and enemies alike, and in this way our losses were most grievous. On the other hand, they turned the ernemy’s own cannon to bring down the doors to the rooms or the rooms themselves; a horrible carnage took place, and some were trampled to death. The tumult was great, the disorder frightful; it seemed as if the furies had descended upon us; different groups of soldiers were firing in all directions, on their comrades and on their officers, so that one was as likely to die by a friendly hand as by an enemy’s. In the midst of this thundering din, there was such confusion that orders could not be understood, although those in command would raise their voices when the opportunity occurred. Some may believe that this narrative is exaggerated, but those who were witnesses will confess that this is exact, and in truth, any moderation in relating it would fall short.”
“If was thus time to end the confusion that was increasing the number of our victims, and on my advice and at my insistence General Cos ordered the fire silenced; but the bugler Tamayo of the sappers blew his instrument in vain, for the fire did not cease until there was no one left to kill and around fifty thousand cartridges had been used up. Whoever doubts this, let him estimate for himself, as I have done, with data that I have given.”
“Among the defenders there were thirty or more colonists; the rest were pirates, used to defying danger and to disdaining death, and who for that reason fought courageously; their courage, to my way of thinking, merited them the mercy for which, toward the last, some of them pleaded; others, not knowing the language, were unable to do so. In fact, when these men noted the loss of their leader and saw that they were being attacked by superior forces, they faltered. Some, with an accent hardly intelligible, desperately cried, Mercy, valiant Mexicans; others poked the points of their bayonets through a hole or a door with a white cloth, the symbol of cease-fire, and some even used their socks. Our trusting soldiers, seeing these demonstrations, would confidently enter their quarters, but those among the enemy who had not pleaded for mercy, who had no thought of surrendering, and who relied on no other recourse than selling their lives dearly, would meet them with pistol shots and bayonets. Thus betrayed, our men rekindled their anger and at every moment fresh skirmishes broke out with renewed fury. The order had been given to spare no one but the women and this was carried out, but such carnage was useless and had we prevented it, we would have saved much blood on our part. Those of the enemy who tried to escape fell victims to the sabers of the cavalry, which had been drawn up for this purpose, but even as they fled they defended themselves. An unfortunate father with a young son in his arms was seen to hurl himself from a considerable height, both perishing at the same blow.”
“The scene of extermination went on for an hour before the curtain of covered and ended it; shortly after six in the morning it was all finished; the corps were beginning to reassemble and to identify themselves, their sorrowful countenances revealing the losses in the thin ranks of their officers and comrades; when the commander in chief appeared. He could see for himself the desolation among his battalions and that devastated area littered with corpses, with scattered limbs and bullets, with weapons and torn uniforms. Some of these were burning together with the corpses, which produced an unbearable and nauseating odor. The bodies with their blackened and bloody faces disfigured by a desperate death, their hair and uniforms burning at once, presented a dreadful and truly hellish site. What trophies-those of the battlefield! Quite soon some of the bodies were left naked by the fire, others by disgraceful rapacity, especially among our men. The enemy could be identified by their whiteness, by their robust and bulky shapes. What a sad spectacle, that of the dead and dying! What a horror to inspect the area and find the remains of friends --! With what anxiety did some seek others and with what ecstasy did they embrace each other! Questions followed one after the other, even while the bullets were still whistling around, in the midst of the groans of the wounded and the last breaths of the dying.”
“Shortly before Santa Anna’s speech, an unpleasant episode had taken place, which, since it occurred after the end of the skirmish, was looked upon as a base murder and which contributed greatly to the coolness that was noted. Some seven men had survived the general carnage, and under the protection of General Castrillon, they were brought before Santa Anna. Among them was one of great stature, well proportioned, with regular features , in whose face there was the imprint of adversity, but in whom one also noticed a degree of resignation and nobility that did him honor. He was the naturalist David Crockett, well known in North America for his unusual adventures, who had undertaken to explore the country and who, finding himself in Bejar at the very moment of surprise had taken refuge in the Alamo, fearing that his status as a foreigner might not be respected. Santa Anna answered Castrillon’s intervention in Crockett’s behalf with a gesture of indignation and, addressing himself to the sappers, the troops closest to him, ordered his execution. The commander and officers were outraged at this action and did not support the order, hoping that once the fury of the moment had blown over these men would be spared; but several officers who were around the president and who, perhaps had not been present during the moment of danger, became noteworthy by an infamous deed, surpassing the soldiers cruelty. They thrust themselves forward, in order to flatter their commander, and with swords in hand, fell upon these unfortunate, defenseless men just as a tiger leaps upon his prey. Though tortured before they were killed, these unfortunates died without complaining and without humiliating themselves before their torturers. It was rumored that General Sesma was one of them; I will not bear witness to this, for though present, I trundled away, horrified in order not to witness such a barbarous scene.”
“To whom was this sacrifice useful and what advantage was derived by increasing the number of victims? It was paid for dearly, thigh it could have been otherwise had these men been required to walk across the floor carpeted with the bodies over which we stepped, had they been rehabilitated generously and required to communicated to their comrades the fate that awaited them if they did not desist of their unjust cause. They could have informed their comrades of the force and resources that the enemy had. According to documents found among these men and subsequent information, the force within the Alamo consisted of 182 men; but according to the number counted by us it was 253. Doubtless the total did not exceed either of these two, and in any case the number is less than that referred to by the commander in chief in his communiqué, which contends that in the excavations and trenches alone more than 600 bodies had been buried. What was the object of this misrepresentation? Some believe it was done to give greater importance to the episode, others, that it was done to excuse our losses and to make it less painful.”
“Death united in one place both friends and enemies; within a few hours a funeral pyre rendered into ashes those men who moment before had been so brave that in a blind fury had unselfishly offered their lives and had met their ends in combat. The greater part of our dead were buried by their comrades, but the emery, who seems to have some respect for the dead, attributed the great pyre of their dead to our hatred. I, for one, wishing to count the bodies for myself, arrived at the moment the flames were reddening , ready to consume them.”
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Post by neferetus on Feb 7, 2006 14:37:39 GMT -5
Texans buy controversial diary that challenges Alamo legend
A 200-page diary -- said to have been dictated in the 1840s -- challenges the Alamo lore of the legendary Davy Crockett
November 19, 1998
Web posted at: 11:36 a.m. EST (1636 GMT)
LOS ANGELES (CNN) -- Two unidentified Texans paid nearly $390,000 for a diary that challenges one of the most popular legends in their state's history: that Davy Crockett proudly fought Mexican troops to the bitter end of the 13-day siege at the Alamo.
The 200-page manuscript, purchased at an auction Wednesday in Hollywood, is supposedly a Mexican army officer's eyewitness account of Crockett's death on March 6, 1836.
The controversial diary says the King of the Wild Frontier was captured and executed with other volunteers in the force of 200 who were defending the former Spanish mission in their fight to create the state of Texas from Mexican territory.
Did Crockett go down fighting?
"Although they were tortured before they were killed, they did not cry out, they did not protest or humiliate themselves before their torturers," said Gregory Shaw, vice president of Butterfield & Butterfield auction house, which sold the diary.
Many experts doubt the account, said to have been dictated in Spanish in the 1840s by Lt. Col. Jose Enrique de la Pena. It defies the traditional story of the Alamo's capture in which the volunteer force died on the walls or in hand-to-hand combat with Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's troops.
The Alamo
The traditional story holds that Crockett, the former congressman from Tennessee, fought to the end, wielding his long-rifle, "Betsy," like a club before he fell near the front doors of the Alamo's chapel.
Little was known about the buyers other than that they purchased the diary for $387,500 through a New York dealer with the intent of keeping it in Texas, Shaw said.
Questions of validity
Among critics of the diary is Joseph Musso, a Los Angeles- based historic illustrator who is researching a biography on Alamo commander James Bowie.
Musso questioned the validity of the documents because they seemed to surface out of nowhere in 1955 in the hands of a Mexican coin dealer.
A close-up of one of the documents
"It doesn't have 110 years of human records behind it," Musso said, asserting that not enough forensic tests have been conducted.
Bill Groneman, an Alamo historian, is also skeptical about the diary.
"It's hundreds of loose pages from all different types of paper manufacturers, all cut down to a uniform size," he said. "It has a number of different (styles of) handwriting in it."
Critics have dismissed de la Pena's memoir as a fake ever since an English translation by San Antonio archivist Carmen Perry was published in 1975.
Bill Groneman, a New York arson investigator, called the journal a forgery in his book, "Defense of a Legend: Crockett and the de la Pena Diary." He has acknowledged, however, that he cannot prove it.
But James Crisp, a history professor at North Carolina State University, has studied the documents and is convinced they are genuine.
"I have no doubt that they are authentic," Crisp said Wednesday. "They have passed every test."
Shaw said the memoir was written on paper of high rag content, typical of the early 19th century.
"We were able to determine, unequivocally, that the paper was manufactured between 1825 and 1832 and, perhaps more importantly, that the ink when applied to the paper was fresh and the paper has not been treated or tampered with in any way."
'Texans like their historical myths'
Musso acknowledged there are many who would refuse to believe that Crockett did not go down fighting. He said he is not one of them.
"If the document is real, I don't think it should change people's perceptions of Davy Crockett. Whether he died swinging his rifle ... or whether he was brought before Santa Anna" should not matter, Musso said.
The diary had been at the John Peace Library at the University of Texas at San Antonio for nearly 25 years, but was sold by John Peace III, son of the man for whom the library was named.
Don Carleton, director of the Center for American History at the University of Texas, said Texans associate the Alamo with a great sense of patriotic pride, so many would be offended at the thought of Crockett surrendering.
"Many Texans like to hold onto their historical myths," he said.
Correspondent Greg LaMotte and The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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Post by neferetus on Mar 19, 2006 13:59:45 GMT -5
I know that the DLP diary is under alot of scrutny(sp) some have said that the hand writing doesn't match authenticated DLP writings. My question is, could he have dictated it to his "Publisher" or someone else? The story seems to go that he dictated much of the diary, while in prison in 1839. During this time, much of Pena's original field diary was supplemented by information that he'd either heard, or gathered later. While the field diary does make mention of the Alamo executions, there is no mention of Crockett in it. Wait for Tom Lindley and Joe Musso's book that's due to be published this year for more answers. |
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Post by neferetus on Oct 25, 2007 15:37:30 GMT -5
Why was he in prison? I know i read the reason but it escapes me at the moment. According to Carmen Perry, translator of WITH SANTA ANNA IN TEXAS: A Personal Narrative of The Revolution, by Jose Enrique de La Pena, de la Pena was imprisoned for supporting the Mexican Constitution of 1824. On page xiii, paragraph 2 of the book, Ms. Perry notes: His military file skips to April 11, 1837, and in folio 17 states: "Captain Jose Enrique de la Pena, classified as Lieutenant Colonel, having presented himself, was advised by order of the Supreme Government to report to the state of Sonora under orders of General Jose Urrea." Generalo Urrea supported a plan on December 26, 1837, upholding the Constitution of 1824. Lieutenant Colonel de la Pena issued a patriotic and enthusiastic proclamation to the garrison. This uprising, headed by General Urrea, whom de la Pena greatly esteemed, caused the latter an interminable and untimely a premature death. He died in 1842, poor ill and forgotten. But he left a collection of manuscripts of incalculable value, as they rectify much false historical data.Ms. Perry was mistaken in one respect, however. According to information uncovered by Roger Borroel, a translator of old Mexican documents, de la Pena's premature death came on October 10, 1840, at the hands of a fellow officer named Lieutenant Colonel Don Francisco Cosio of the Zapadore batallion. De la Pena was killed by a sword thrust to the stomach and it is suggested that Cosio was lying in wait for him, as he exited his home sometime after 9:00 PM on that fateful evening. Read Roger Borroel's very interesting translation of THE DEATH OF DE LA PENA in his FIELD REPORTS OF THE MEXICAN ARMY DURING THE TEXAN WAR OF 1836 Volume VI. La Villita Publications 5520 Homerlee Ave. East Chicago, IN 46312 You can email Roger Borroel for copies of this and many other translated documents of 1836 Texas at: alamo36@webtv.net |
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